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Fact-check: BHP icare insurance exploitation claims, Misleading, ScrutinyPress

Overall verdict Misleading

An investigation alleges that BHP has exploited the NSW workers' compensation insurance scheme icare to cover coal mining injury claims instead of using the industry-specific Coal Mines Insurance, effectively subsidising the company at the expense of other NSW businesses. The article documents alleged misclassification of workers, fake employment arrangements, and systemic under-reporting of workplace injuries at BHP's Mt Arthur coal mine.

An investigation published by MWM alleges that BHP has systematically exploited the NSW workers' compensation insurance scheme to cover coal mining injury claims that should have been handled by the industry-specific Coal Mines Insurance scheme. The article, titled "Grifting icare, gouging workers. BHP's big insurance scam unveiled," claims this arrangement has effectively subsidised BHP at the expense of other NSW businesses while leaving injured workers with inadequate coverage.

The investigation centres on BHP's Mt Arthur coal mine in the NSW Hunter Valley and documents alleged misclassification of workers, disputed employment arrangements, and systematic under-reporting of workplace injuries. The article presents the case of Simon Turner, a truck operator who suffered serious injuries at the mine in 2015, as emblematic of broader structural problems. It alleges significant discrepancies in how BHP reports its workforce numbers to different authorities and presents statistical evidence suggesting the coal mining workforce covered by industry insurance schemes declined even as production volumes increased.

ScrutinyPress examined the factual claims underpinning these allegations, drawing on court records, regulatory filings, government data, and reporting from established media outlets. Right of reply was offered to MWM.

Background

NSW operates two distinct workers' compensation insurance systems for different types of employment. The majority of NSW employers are covered by the state-run icare scheme, which pools risk across diverse industries. Coal mining, however, has its own specialised scheme administered by Coal Mines Insurance (CMI), a wholly-owned subsidiary of Coal Services Pty Ltd.

Coal Services is jointly owned in equal shares by the Mining and Energy Union (MEU) and the NSW Minerals Council, making it an industry body owned by worker and employer representatives. The Coal Mines Insurance scheme was established to address the specific risks and needs of the coal mining industry, with premiums and coverage designed for the hazards of underground and open-cut mining operations. The MEU separated from the Construction, Forestry and Maritime Employees Union in December 2023, following governance controversies within the construction division. BHP's Mt Arthur mine is one of the largest open-cut coal operations in the Hunter Valley, with a workforce that BHP has publicly stated exceeds 2,000 people when contractors and labour-hire workers are included.

Claim 1: BHP claims to have 2,000 workers at its Mt Arthur mine in the NSW Hunter Valley, but disclosed 794 employees to the Fair Work Commission, whereas SIRA put the number at 271 employees in the same year.

Verdict: Unsupported

The article claims BHP publicly states it has 2,000 workers at Mt Arthur while disclosing 794 employees to the Fair Work Commission and 271 to SIRA in the same year. This discrepancy is central to the article's allegation of systematic misclassification of workers to avoid proper insurance coverage.

The 2,000 figure is well supported by authoritative sources. BHP's own website states the mine has a workforce of around 2,000 people, and this is corroborated by ABC News reporting from September 2021 stating the mine has a total workforce of more than 2,000 people. Newcastle Herald reporting and multiple other news sources confirm this approximate headcount. A 2021 Fair Work Commission decision noted the total workforce exceeds 2,000 when including both direct Mt Arthur employees and workers employed by other entities at the site.

However, the specific figures of 794 disclosed to the Fair Work Commission and 271 to SIRA cannot be independently verified from authoritative sources. The 2021 Fair Work Commission decision indicates Mt Arthur directly employed approximately 980 people at that time, comprising 724 covered by the enterprise agreement and 256 not covered by it, with an additional 1,000 workers employed by other entities. This does not match the claimed 794 figure. No authoritative source on the whitelist confirms the 271 SIRA figure, and the only available source for these specific numbers is the Michael West Media article itself.

Without access to the actual Fair Work Commission and SIRA documents referenced in the article, the claimed discrepancies cannot be confirmed or refuted. While there may be legitimate reasons for different worker counts reported to different authorities, reflecting different categories of employment relationships or measurement dates, the specific figures central to the article's allegations remain unverified.

Sources cited:

Claim 2: Simon Turner broke his back in 2015 driving a coal truck at BHP's Mt Arthur mine.

Verdict: Mostly True

The article states that Simon Turner broke his back in 2015 while driving a coal truck at BHP's Mt Arthur mine. This claim is substantially accurate based on multiple authoritative sources, though the precise mechanism of injury requires minor clarification.

The ABC reported in February 2018 that Turner suffered spinal injuries after the truck he was operating at the Mt Arthur coal mine was hit by a coal excavator in 2015. The Newcastle Herald provided similar reporting in June 2018, stating that Turner was injured when an excavator shovel hit the cabin of his truck in December 2015. Multiple Michael West Media articles consistently report that Turner broke his back in 2015 at the mine and drove haul trucks at Mt Arthur.

The claim characterises the injury as occurring while Turner was driving a coal truck. The more precise description from authoritative sources is that Turner was operating a haul truck when it was struck by a coal excavator, causing the spinal injuries. This is a minor distinction that does not fundamentally alter the accuracy of the claim, as Turner was indeed operating the truck at the time of the incident, even though the injury resulted from being struck by excavator equipment rather than from the act of driving itself.

All authoritative sources confirm the essential elements: the year (2015), the location (BHP's Mt Arthur mine), the severity of the injury (back or spinal injuries described as leaving Turner totally and permanently disabled), and Turner's role as a truck operator. The characterisation of the injury as a broken back is consistent with multiple sources describing serious spinal injuries sustained in the incident.

Sources cited:

Claim 3: Ready Workforce obtained a $270,913.79 recovery judgment against BHP's Mt Arthur Coal entity.

Verdict: Unsupported

The article claims that Ready Workforce obtained a $270,913.79 recovery judgment against BHP's Mt Arthur Coal entity. This specific figure is cited as part of the article's documentation of insurance payment anomalies in Simon Turner's case, where the article alleges his original employment records identified Chandler Macleod as the correct employer rather than Ready Workforce.

Research confirms that Ready Workforce Pty Ltd commenced proceedings in the NSW Supreme Court against Mt Arthur Coal to recover workers' compensation payments under section 151Z of the Workers Compensation Act. Section 151Z permits employers or their insurers to recover workers' compensation payments from third parties found liable for workplace injuries. The existence of these recovery proceedings is therefore confirmed.

However, the specific judgment amount of $270,913.79 cannot be verified from authoritative sources. Searches of AustLII, which hosts NSW Supreme Court decisions, did not locate a published judgment with this amount. The only sources mentioning this precise figure are Michael West Media articles, which cannot serve as verification for their own claims. While the article attributes this figure to Simon Turner as a quote, no independent court records, government sources, or reporting from established media outlets on the whitelist could be located to confirm it.

Court documents containing this information may exist but not be publicly accessible online, or may be subject to confidentiality orders as the article suggests. The broader context of Turner's case, including disputes about employment classification and insurance arrangements, is documented across multiple authoritative sources. Nevertheless, without access to the actual court judgment or independent reporting from established outlets, the specific monetary figure remains unverified.

Claim 4: Coal Mines Insurance (CMI) is owned jointly by the Mining and Energy Union (MEU) and the NSW Minerals Council.

Verdict: Mostly True

The article states that Coal Mines Insurance (CMI) is owned jointly by the Mining and Energy Union (MEU) and the NSW Minerals Council. This claim is substantially accurate but lacks an important structural detail regarding the corporate ownership structure.

Multiple authoritative sources confirm the joint ownership relationship at the ultimate parent level. Coal Services' own website states that its shareholders are the Mining and Energy Union and the NSW Minerals Council. The NSW Minerals Council website confirms that Coal Services is owned 50:50 by the NSW Minerals Council and the CFMEU, now the MEU. A government document from SIRA states that Coal Services is owned jointly by two shareholders, the NSW Minerals Council and the CFMMEU. TheCoalFace publication notes the organisation is equally owned by the Mining and Energy Union and the NSW Minerals Council, describing it as owned by industry, for industry.

However, the claim is not entirely precise because CMI is not directly owned by these two entities. Rather, CMI is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Coal Services Pty Ltd, which is in turn owned 50:50 by the MEU and NSW Minerals Council. A SIRA document explicitly states that CMI is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Coal Services Pty Limited. Coal Services' governance documents confirm that Coal Services, Coal Mines Insurance, and Mines Rescue collectively form the Coal Services Group, with CMI and Mines Rescue operating as subsidiaries of Coal Services.

The claim is functionally correct in describing the ultimate ownership and control of CMI. The MEU and NSW Minerals Council do jointly own the parent company Coal Services, which in turn owns CMI. The omission of the intermediate holding company structure does not materially affect the accuracy of the claim regarding who ultimately controls CMI, as the shareholders of Coal Services exercise control over its wholly-owned subsidiaries.

Claim 5: The MEU racked up $21m in revenue last year, recorded $164m in assets and had $18m of cash on balance sheet and $45m in term deposits.

Verdict: Unsupported

The article claims the Mining and Energy Union racked up $21 million in revenue last year, recorded $164 million in assets, and had $18 million in cash on balance sheet and $45 million in term deposits. These specific financial figures are presented as part of the article's broader examination of the MEU's financial position and relationships.

This claim cannot be verified from authoritative whitelisted sources. While research confirms that the MEU does publish financial statements and lodge annual returns with the Fair Work Commission, the specific consolidated figures for the MEU National Office are not accessible through authoritative sources available for this fact-check. The MEU website indicates that financial statements for the Mining and Energy Union National for the year ended 2024 are available, and Fair Work Commission records show that annual returns and financial reports have been lodged for the MEU National Office. However, the actual financial data contained in these reports is not accessible through authoritative whitelisted sources such as major Australian media outlets that might have reported on these figures.

One MEU branch, the Northern Mining and NSW Energy District Branch, published audited financial statements showing net assets of approximately $23.6 million for 2024. However, this represents only one of six MEU branches and does not provide the consolidated National Office figures claimed in the article. The claim appears to reference consolidated figures across the entire MEU organisation, but these specific numbers cannot be confirmed from available authoritative sources.

Without access to the actual financial statements or independent reporting on these figures from credible whitelisted sources, the claim must be classified as unsupported rather than false. There is insufficient evidence available through authoritative sources to verify or contradict the specific financial data cited in the article.

Claim 6: The MEU funnelled $3.4m last year to Labor in political donations.

Verdict: Mostly True

The article claims the MEU funnelled $3.4 million last year to Labor in political donations. This characterisation is substantially accurate regarding the amount, though slightly overstated, and uses loaded language regarding the nature of the transaction.

According to the Grattan Institute's analysis of AEC transparency register data for the 2024-25 financial year, published in February 2026, the Mining and Energy Union donated $3.3 million to Labor, making it Labor's second-largest donor after Labor Holdings. This data covers the financial year from July 1, 2024 to June 30, 2025, which aligns with what the article refers to as last year given its publication date of October 1, 2026. The Grattan Institute is a credible independent policy think tank that analysed official AEC disclosure data.

The $100,000 discrepancy between the claimed $3.4 million and the documented $3.3 million represents approximately 3% difference and could result from rounding variations or different accounting methods for what constitutes donations versus other payments. The MEU was registered as a standalone union on December 1, 2023, after separating from the CFMEU, and is formally affiliated with the Australian Labor Party.

The characterisation of these payments as being funnelled is a loaded term that implies improper conduct. However, the donations were lawfully disclosed through the AEC transparency register as required under Australian electoral law. Union donations to the Labor Party are a longstanding and legal feature of Australian politics, with Labor historically receiving substantial support from affiliated unions. While the term carries negative connotations, the underlying factual claim about the amount donated is substantially accurate, with only a minor discrepancy in the precise figure.

Sources cited:

  • Election 2025: Where the money came from (grattan.edu.au) — Labor's single biggest donor was Labor Holdings (an investment arm of the party), which donated $4 million, followed by the Mining and Energy Union ($3.3 million).

Claim 7: The MEU had previously disclosed a $39m payment from a Glencore subsidiary, Abelshore.

Verdict: Mostly True

The article states that the MEU had previously disclosed a $39 million payment from Abelshore, a Glencore subsidiary. This claim is substantially accurate based on publicly available data from the Australian Electoral Commission's Transparency Register, though the precise figure was slightly different and there is a technical detail regarding which entity made the disclosure.

According to AAP FactCheck reporting from May 2024, the AEC Transparency Register shows that Abelshore Pty Ltd made payments to the CFMEU listed under other receipts of $39,430,146 in the 2022-23 financial year. Abelshore is confirmed by multiple sources as a labour-hire subsidiary of mining giant Glencore. The AEC confirmed these were payments from Abelshore to the union, disclosed on the public transparency register. The article rounds this figure to $39 million, which is a reasonable approximation of $39,430,146.

The MEU demerged from the CFMEU on December 1, 2023, and the payment was disclosed by the CFMEU prior to this demerger. While technically the payment was disclosed by the CFMEU rather than the MEU specifically, this distinction is minor given that the Mining and Energy Division, which became the MEU, was part of the CFMEU at the time the disclosure was made publicly on the AEC register. The AEC Commissioner was questioned about this payment during Senate estimates in May 2024, confirming the amounts were reported but classified as other receipts rather than donations.

The claim characterises this as a disclosure, which is accurate as the information appeared on the public AEC Transparency Register. The minor discrepancies regarding the exact amount and which specific entity made the disclosure do not materially affect the substantial accuracy of the claim that a payment of approximately $39 million from a Glencore subsidiary was disclosed on the public register.

Claim 8: Although coal mining volumes were up strongly during the period 2014-2018, the reported 'at-risk' workforce of coal miners was down 26%.

Verdict: Misleading

The article claims that although coal mining volumes were up strongly during the period 2014-2018, the reported at-risk workforce of coal miners was down 26%. This statistical claim is presented as evidence of systematic under-reporting of the coal mining workforce, supporting the article's broader allegations about insurance misclassification.

This claim is contradicted by authoritative data on both production volumes and workforce numbers, though there is some basis for the claim when different jurisdictions and methodologies are considered. According to NSW Parliament research, NSW coal production did not increase strongly during 2014-2018. ROM (run-of-mine) coal production actually decreased from 261.0 million tonnes in 2013-14 to 248.6 million tonnes in 2017-18, while saleable coal production decreased from 196.6 million tonnes to 194.3 million tonnes over the same period. Multiple sources including the Australia Institute and Coal Services confirmed that NSW coal production peaked in 2014 and declined thereafter.

However, at the national level there is evidence that could support describing volumes as up. Australia's total coal production was relatively flat during this period according to Energy Institute data, but Queensland, which accounts for approximately half of Australia's coal production, showed strong production growth. Queensland produced 317.4 million tonnes of raw coal in 2018-19, and Queensland Treasury noted the state had benefitted from substantial growth in demand, particularly from China.

Regarding the workforce claim, Coal Services Annual Reports show that exposed to risk workers numbered 27,740 at June 2014 and 25,161 at June 2018, representing a 9.3% decrease, not 26%. From the 2014-15 to 2017-18 financial years, the exposed to risk workforce actually increased slightly. However, Australian Parliamentary Library research shows that national coal mining employment peaked at 55,800 in May 2014 and fell to 44,600 by November 2022, a 20.1% decline over the longer period. If the claim draws on employment data including contractor workforce reductions not fully captured in the exposed to risk metric, a larger decline becomes more plausible, though the specific 26% figure and timeframe remain unsubstantiated. The claim's lack of precision about jurisdiction and which workforce metric it references undermines its reliability as presented.

Overall assessment

The MWM investigation presents serious allegations about BHP's use of workers' compensation insurance schemes, but many of the specific factual claims underpinning these allegations cannot be verified from authoritative sources. Of the eight claims examined, only two could be confirmed as mostly true, one is misleading, and four are unsupported by available evidence.

The claims that are substantially accurate relate to matters of public record: Simon Turner did suffer a serious back injury at Mt Arthur in 2015, the MEU donated approximately $3.3 million to Labor (not the claimed $3.4 million), the union disclosed a $39 million payment from Glencore subsidiary Abelshore, and Coal Mines Insurance is ultimately owned by the MEU and NSW Minerals Council through the parent entity Coal Services. These verifiable elements provide some foundation for the article's broader narrative about relationships between mining companies, unions, and insurance schemes.

However, key statistical and financial claims that support the article's central allegations remain unverified. The claimed discrepancies in worker numbers reported to different authorities, the specific court judgment amount, the MEU's detailed financial position, and the claim about workforce and production trends during 2014-2018 could not be confirmed from authoritative sources. The production and workforce claim is particularly problematic, as it is contradicted by NSW data, though there is some basis when national figures and different methodologies are considered. The article's use of loaded language such as funnelled and grifting, while not factually inaccurate, frames lawful transactions in pejorative terms. The investigation may well identify genuine issues in workers' compensation insurance arrangements, but the evidentiary foundation presented for several key claims is either absent from public records or contradicted by available data.


This fact-check reviews the article "Grifting icare, gouging workers. BHP’s big insurance scam unveiled" published by MWM.

Right of reply was offered to MWM with a 48-hour response window. No response was received.

Claims assessed


Claim 1 Unsupported
BHP claims to have 2,000 workers at its Mt Arthur mine in the NSW Hunter Valley, but disclosed 794 employees to the Fair Work Commission, whereas SIRA put the number at 271 employees in the same year.

The claim presents three specific worker figures for BHP's Mt Arthur mine: 2,000 in public materials, 794 disclosed to the Fair Work Commission, and 271 reported to SIRA in the same year. Only one of these figures can be verified from authoritative sources on the whitelist. BHP's claim of approximately 2,000 workers at Mt Arthur is well documented. BHP's own website states the mine has a workforce of around 2,000 people, and this figure is corroborated by multiple news reports from the ABC and Newcastle Herald dating from 2021 to 2024. A 2021 Fair Work Commission decision noted the mine has a total workforce of more than 2,000 people, including both Mt Arthur employees and workers employed by other entities. However, the specific figures of 794 employees disclosed to the Fair Work Commission and 271 employees to SIRA cannot be independently verified from authoritative whitelist sources. The 2021 Fair Work Commission decision [2021] FWCFB 6059 indicates Mt Arthur employed approximately 980 employees directly (724 covered by the enterprise agreement plus 256 not covered), with an additional 1,000 workers employed by other entities. This does not match the claimed 794 figure. No authoritative source on the whitelist confirms the 271 SIRA figure. The only source for these specific numbers is the Michael West Media article itself, which cannot be used to verify its own claims. The article's framing suggests deliberate discrepancies across different official disclosures, but without access to the actual Fair Work Commission and SIRA documents referenced, this cannot be confirmed or refuted from available authoritative sources.

Claim 2 Mostly True
Simon Turner broke his back in 2015 driving a coal truck at BHP's Mt Arthur mine.

The claim that Simon Turner broke his back in 2015 at BHP's Mt Arthur mine is substantially accurate but requires minor qualification regarding the specific mechanism of injury and his role. Multiple authoritative sources confirm that Simon Turner suffered a serious back injury in 2015 at the Mt Arthur coal mine. The ABC reported in February 2018 that Turner "suffered spinal injuries after the truck he was operating at the Mt Arthur coal mine in the NSW Hunter Valley was hit by a coal excavator in 2015." Similarly, the Newcastle Herald from June 2018 stated that Turner "was injured when an excavator shovel hit the cabin of his truck in December 2015." Michael West Media sources consistently report that Turner "broke his back" in 2015 at the mine, and one Michael West article from September 2026 describes him as someone "who broke his back working as a coal miner at Mt Arthur in 2015." The same publication notes he "drove haul trucks at Mt Arthur in the Hunter Valley." The claim in the article being fact-checked states Turner "broke his back in 2015 driving a coal truck." This is mostly accurate. The more precise description from the ABC and Newcastle Herald is that Turner suffered spinal injuries when the truck he was operating was hit by a coal excavator. He was indeed operating a truck (specifically a haul truck) when the injury occurred, though the injury resulted from being struck by excavator equipment rather than from the act of driving itself. This is a minor distinction that does not fundamentally alter the accuracy of the claim. All sources confirm the year (2015), the location (BHP's Mt Arthur mine), the severity (back/spinal injuries), and Turner's role as a truck operator. The characterization of the injury as "broke his back" is consistent with multiple sources' descriptions of spinal injuries that left him totally and permanently disabled.

Claim 3 Unsupported
Ready Workforce obtained a $270,913.79 recovery judgment against BHP's Mt Arthur Coal entity.

The claim that Ready Workforce obtained a $270,913.79 recovery judgment against BHP's Mt Arthur Coal entity cannot be verified from authoritative sources. While the article cites this specific figure as a quote from Simon Turner, no independent court records, government sources, or established media reports from the whitelist could be located to confirm this precise judgment amount. The research did find that <cite index="19-1">Ready Workforce Pty Ltd later commenced proceedings in the NSW Supreme Court against Mt Arthur Coal to recover workers' compensation payments under section 151Z of the Workers Compensation Act</cite>, confirming that such recovery proceedings occurred. Section 151Z allows employers or their insurers to recover workers' compensation payments from third parties found liable for the injury. However, the specific judgment amount of $270,913.79 could not be verified. Searches of AustLII, which hosts NSW Supreme Court decisions, did not locate a published judgment with this amount. The only sources mentioning this specific figure are Michael West Media articles, which cannot serve as verification for their own claims. While court documents may exist that are not publicly accessible online, or may be subject to confidentiality orders as the article suggests, the claim cannot be confirmed from available authoritative sources. The broader context of Turner's case, including disputes about his employment classification and insurance arrangements, is documented across multiple sources. However, without access to the actual court judgment or independent reporting from established media outlets on the whitelist, the specific monetary figure remains unverified.

Claim 4 Mostly True
Coal Mines Insurance (CMI) is owned jointly by the Mining and Energy Union (MEU) and the NSW Minerals Council.

The claim that Coal Mines Insurance (CMI) is owned jointly by the Mining and Energy Union (MEU) and the NSW Minerals Council is substantially accurate but lacks an important structural detail. Multiple authoritative sources confirm the joint ownership relationship. Coal Services' own website states, "Our shareholders are the Mining and Energy Union and the NSW Minerals Council." The NSW Minerals Council website confirms, "Coal Services is owned 50:50 by NSW Minerals Council and the CFMEU" (now the MEU). A government document from SIRA states, "Coal Services is owned jointly by two shareholders – the NSW Minerals Council and the CFMMEU." TheCoalFace publication notes, "Equally owned by the Mining and Energy Union and the NSW Minerals Council, the organisation is owned by industry, for industry." However, the claim is not entirely precise because CMI is not directly owned by these two entities. Rather, CMI is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Coal Services Pty Ltd, which is in turn owned 50:50 by the MEU and NSW Minerals Council. A SIRA document explicitly states, "CMI is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Coal Services Pty Limited." Coal Services' governance documents confirm that Coal Services, Coal Mines Insurance, and Mines Rescue collectively form the Coal Services Group, with CMI and Mines Rescue operating as subsidiaries of Coal Services. The claim is functionally correct in describing the ultimate ownership and control of CMI, as the MEU and NSW Minerals Council jointly own the parent company Coal Services. The Shareholders Agreement governs this relationship. The omission of the intermediate holding company structure does not materially affect the accuracy of the claim regarding who ultimately controls CMI, making this substantially true rather than false or misleading.

Claim 5 Unsupported
The MEU racked up $21m in revenue last year, recorded $164m in assets and had $18m of cash on balance sheet and $45m in term deposits.

The claim states that the Mining and Energy Union (MEU) "racked up $21m in revenue last year, recorded $164m in assets and had $18m of cash on balance sheet and $45m in term deposits." This claim cannot be verified from authoritative whitelisted sources. While research confirms that the MEU does publish financial statements and lodge annual returns with the Fair Work Commission, the specific consolidated figures for the MEU National Office cannot be accessed or verified through the whitelisted sources available for this fact-check. The MEU website indicates that "Financial Statements Mining and Energy Union National – Year ended 2024" are available, and Fair Work Commission records show that annual returns and financial reports have been lodged for the MEU National Office (documents AR2025/91 and FR2024/264). However, the actual financial data contained in these reports is not accessible through authoritative whitelisted sources such as the ABC, Guardian Australia, AFR, or other major Australian media outlets that might have reported on these figures. One MEU branch, the Northern Mining and NSW Energy District Branch, published audited financial statements showing net assets of approximately $23.6 million for 2024, but this represents only one of six MEU branches and does not provide the consolidated National Office figures claimed in the article. The claim appears to reference consolidated figures across the entire MEU organization, but these specific numbers cannot be confirmed from available authoritative sources. Without access to the actual financial statements or independent reporting on these figures from credible sources, the claim must be classified as unsupported rather than false, as there is insufficient evidence available to verify or contradict the specific financial data cited.

Claim 6 Mostly True
The MEU funnelled $3.4m last year to Labor in political donations.

The claim that the MEU funnelled $3.4 million last year to Labor in political donations is substantially accurate but slightly overstated. According to the Grattan Institute's analysis of AEC transparency register data for the 2024-25 financial year (published February 2, 2026), the Mining and Energy Union donated $3.3 million to Labor, making it Labor's second-largest donor after Labor Holdings. This data covers the financial year from July 1, 2024 to June 30, 2025, which aligns with what the article refers to as "last year" given its publication date of October 1, 2026. The $100,000 discrepancy between the claimed $3.4 million and the documented $3.3 million represents approximately 3% difference and could result from rounding variations or different accounting methods for what constitutes donations versus other payments. The Grattan Institute is a credible independent policy think tank that analyzed the official AEC disclosure data. The MEU was registered as a standalone union on December 1, 2023, after separating from the CFMEU, and is formally affiliated with the Australian Labor Party. The characterization of these payments as being "funnelled" is a loaded term that implies improper conduct, but the donations were lawfully disclosed through the AEC transparency register as required under Australian electoral law. While the term carries negative connotations, union donations to the Labor Party are a longstanding and legal feature of Australian politics, with Labor historically receiving substantial support from affiliated unions.

Claim 7 Mostly True
The MEU had previously disclosed a $39m payment from a Glencore subsidiary, Abelshore.

The claim that the MEU (Mining and Energy Union) had previously disclosed a $39m payment from Abelshore, a Glencore subsidiary, is substantially accurate based on publicly available data from the Australian Electoral Commission's Transparency Register, though the precise figure was slightly different. According to AAP FactCheck reporting from May 2024, the AEC Transparency Register shows that Abelshore Pty Ltd made payments to the CFMEU (the MEU's predecessor organisation before demerger) listed under "other receipts" of $39,430,146 in the 2022-23 financial year. Abelshore is confirmed by multiple sources as a labour-hire subsidiary of mining giant Glencore. The AEC confirmed these were payments from Abelshore to the union, disclosed on the public transparency register. The article rounds this figure to "$39m," which is a reasonable approximation of $39,430,146. The MEU demerged from the CFMEU on December 1, 2023, and the payment was disclosed by the CFMEU prior to this demerger. While technically the payment was disclosed by the CFMEU rather than the MEU specifically, this distinction is minor given that the Mining and Energy Division (which became the MEU) was part of the CFMEU at the time and the disclosure was made publicly on the AEC register. The AEC Commissioner was questioned about this payment during Senate estimates in May 2024, confirming the amounts were reported but classified as "other receipts" rather than donations. The claim characterises this as a "disclosure," which is accurate as the information appeared on the public AEC Transparency Register, though it was categorised as "other receipts" rather than donations by the union.

Claim 8 Misleading
Although coal mining volumes were up strongly during the period 2014-2018, the reported 'at-risk' workforce of coal miners was down 26%.

The claim states that although coal mining volumes were up strongly during 2014-2018, the reported at-risk workforce of coal miners was down 26%. This claim is contradicted by authoritative data on both counts. According to the NSW Parliament research paper on coal mining statistics, coal production during this period did not increase strongly. ROM (run-of-mine) coal production actually decreased from 261.0 million tonnes in 2013-14 to 248.6 million tonnes in 2017-18, while saleable coal production decreased from 196.6 million tonnes to 194.3 million tonnes over the same period. Production peaked in 2013-14, not during the 2014-2018 period, and multiple sources including the Australia Institute and Coal Services confirmed that NSW coal production peaked in 2014 and declined thereafter. Regarding the workforce claim, Coal Services Annual Reports track workers exposed to risk under the Coal Mines Insurance scheme. These reports show that exposed to risk workers numbered 27,740 at 30 June 2014, fell to 24,990 at 30 June 2015, then recovered to 25,161 at 30 June 2018. This represents a 9.3% decrease from the 2014 peak, not 26%. Moreover, from the 2014-15 to 2017-18 financial years, the exposed to risk workforce actually increased slightly (0.7%), not decreased. Even accounting for different measurement periods or methodologies, there is no evidence in authoritative sources supporting a 26% decrease during 2014-2018. The claim appears to mischaracterize both the production trend (which declined rather than increased) and significantly overstates the workforce reduction. The article uses this statistical claim to support its broader allegations about insurance misclassification, but the foundational data does not support the premise. Note: A steelman review found a moderate case that this claim may be partially justified or subject to legitimate interpretation. The claim has a moderate basis when examined at the national (Australia-wide) rather than NSW-specific level, and when considering different measurement methodologies for the workforce data. **On Coal Production Volumes:** The FALSE verdict focused exclusively on NSW coal production data, which did decline during 2014-2018. However, at the NATIONAL level, there is evidence supporting growth during this period. According to the Energy Institute data, Australia's total coal production was 505.3 million tonnes in 2014 and 502.2 million tonnes in 2018—relatively flat overall. However, Geoscience Australia reports that over the decade including this period, coal production grew at an average annual rate of 3%, and that 2017-18 production was around 510 million tonnes. More significantly, Queensland—which accounts for approximately 50% of Australia's coal production—showed strong production growth during this period, producing 317.4 million tonnes of raw coal in 2018-19 (251.2 Mt saleable), with Queensland Treasury noting the state had "benefitted from substantial growth in demand" particularly from China. While NSW production declined, Queensland's growth could justify describing national "mining volumes" as being "up strongly" depending on which baseline year and measurement methodology is used. **On the Workforce Decline:** The FALSE verdict cites Coal Services data showing exposed to risk workers declining from 27,740 at June 2014 to 25,161 at June 2018, representing a 9.3% decrease. However, Coal Services' own 2014-15 Annual Report states that "The Scheme protected 24,990 exposed to risk employees, down from 27,740 in 2013-14"—indicating the workforce fell to 24,990 by June 2015, not 2018. This represents a 9.9% decline in a single year. Critically, the claim may be referring to a different workforce measurement entirely. The Australian Parliamentary Library research shows that national coal mining employment peaked at 55,800 in May 2014 and had fallen to 44,600 by November 2022, a 20.1% decline. If the claim is drawing on employment data from mid-2014 to a point in late 2017 or early 2018, and if it includes contractor workforce reductions not fully captured in the "exposed to risk" metric, a 26% decline becomes more plausible. Mining Technology reported that mining employment "dropped by 31.2% nationally between 2014 and 2015 as coal, copper and iron ore dramatically lost value," suggesting the broader mining workforce (including contractors and support roles) experienced sharper declines than the narrowly-defined Coal Services "exposed to risk" category. The claim's weakness is its lack of precision about which jurisdiction (NSW vs. national) and which workforce metric it references, but there exists a legitimate factual basis for both components when properly contextualized.

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